Titoli in Ideologie e dottrine

Die Erschütterung der liberalen Demokratien wird oft mit der Schwäche der westlichen Werteordnung erklärt. Anne Applebaum wählt einen anderen Ansatz und fragt: Was macht die Rückkehr zu autoritären Herrschaftsformen für viele Menschen so erstrebenswert? An zahlreichen Beispielen – von den Brexiteers bis hin zu den illiberalen Demokratien Osteuropas – zeigt sie, welche Rolle dabei soziale Medien, Verschwörungstheorien und Nostalgie spielen.

THE TOP 10 BESTSELLER 'Richly argued and brilliantly written... a deeply thoughtful analysis that should be mandatory reading for anyone seeking to understand where we have gone wrong.' Vernon Bogdanor, Financial Times In WTF? Robert Peston draws on his years of experience as a political...

From #1 New York Times bestseller and radio phenomenon Laura Ingraham a sharp-witted, comic romp through the culture and habits of everyday U.S. citizens—now available in paperback. My culture is depraved, Not sure it can be saved . . . Of Thee I Zing. Land filled with STDs, Pants way down to...

The #1 New York Times bestselling author and firebrand syndicated columnist Michelle Malkin sets her sights on the corrupt businessmen, politicians, and lobbyists flooding our borders and selling out America’s best and brightest workers. In Sold Out, Michelle Malkin and John Miano name names...

The Brutish Museums sits at the heart of a heated debate about cultural restitution, repatriation and the decolonisation of museums. Since its first publication, museums across the western world have begun to return their Bronzes to Nigeria, heralding a new era in the way we understand the collections of empire we once took for granted.

Non c'è uomo politico che non rivendichi, all'indomani della propria elezione, il diritto di parlare in nome del popolo, di tutto il popolo. Questa parola possiede la virtù magica di unificare ciò che non può esserlo. Ma il popolo esiste solo come convenzione, mito o illusione a seconda delle scelte politiche.

Se trata de un manifiesto encargado por la Liga de los Comunistas a Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels entre 1847 y 1848, y publicado por primera vez en Londres el 21 de febrero de 1848. Se trata de un texto temprano de Marx y Engels, en el que se reflejan ya las bases del marxismo, incluyendo la concepción materialista de la historia.

Politica e populismi, in che rapporto sono? Chi ne sono i protagonisti, le ombre, ma anche le possibilità, o eventuali virtù?

The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was published in London in 1848 in its original German, and two years later in English. It was commissioned by the Communist League and takes an analytical approach to the class struggle and the conflicts of capitalism. The Communist Manifesto summarizes the theories of Marx and Engels on the nature of society and politics, claiming that the history of all societies is a history of class struggles. It also touches on their ideas of how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism.

The United States is an exceptional place to call home thanks to the character of the American people. With conviction and urgency, Ed Feulner and Brian Tracy affirm our core tenets - from patriotism and optimism to faith and generosity - and challenge all of us to live out the timeless principles of citizenship. Packed with engaging stories, insightful profiles, and eye-opening statistics, The American Spirit serves as an indispensable primer on the bedrock belief that an indomitable spirit does exist.

Drawing comparisons to empires past, Johnson explores in vivid detail the likely consequences of US dependence on a permanent war economy, and what it will mean when the globe's sole "hyperpower" is no longer capable of paying for the vaulting ambitions of its leaders - and becomes the greatest hyper-debtor of all time. In his stunning conclusion, Johnson suggests that the crisis of a financial breakdown could ultimately prove to be the only path to a renewed nation.

American democracy is, in many people's minds, the model for the rest of the world. Fareed Zakaria points out that the American form of democracy is one of the least democratic in use today. Members of the Supreme Court and the Federal Reserve, institutions that fundamentally shape our lives, are appointed, not elected. The Bill of Rights enumerates a set of privileges to which citizens are entitled, no matter what the majority says. By restricting our democracy, we enhance our freedom.

What should we do to solve America's border crisis? Whatever it takes! That's the no-nonsense approach of Arizona congressman J. D. Hayworth, one of America's most outspoken and eloquent conservative spokesmen. J. D. has walked the border and seen firsthand the devastation that illegal immigration inflicts on law-abiding Americans. He's read the intelligence reports, talked to the Border Patrol and the Marines, and knows how intolerable illegal immigration is in a post-9/11 world.

Serving as a powerful follow-up to Jordan Peterson’s book 12 Rules for Life, Dr. Gad Saad unpacks what is really happening in progressive safe zones, why we need to be paying more attention to these trends, and what we must do to stop the spread of dangerous thinking. A professor at Concordia University who has witnessed this troubling epidemic firsthand, Dr. Saad dissects a multitude of these concerning forces (corrupt thought patterns, belief systems, attitudes, etc.) that have given rise to a stifling political correctness in our society.

Es ist das politisch-theoretische Hauptwerk des Schweizer Philosophen Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Der Gesellschaftsvertrag. Das Werk erschien zuerst 1762 in Amsterdam und wurde sofort darauf in zahlreichen Ländern verboten. Im Geiste der Aufklärung versucht der Autor, Grundlagen moderner Demokratie in Worte zu fassen. Dass die alleinige Grundlage legitimer politischer Macht immer nur der allgemeine Wille sein kann, der auf das Gemeinwohl abzielt, war ein Gedanke, der große Kreise zog - und unleugbar die französische Revolution beschleunigte.

Pour Guillaume Meurice, ardent défenseur du 10/20, du « peut mieux faire », du « bof bof », la médiocrité est non seulement un mode de vie, mais aussi un formidable facteur d'émancipation. Elle autorise l'action sans la pression du résultat, pour le simple plaisir de se mettre en mouvement, pour la beauté du geste. Il faut la revendiquer en tant que résistance politique, car elle porte en elle le refus de la hiérarchie, de la compétition et du catéchisme capitaliste.

La revelación del presidente autoproclamado mesías Javier Milei está convencido de que Dios se le apareció en 2020 para revelarle que tenía "una misión" y que esa conexión se dio gracias a Conan. Su "perro hijo", sentado "al lado del Uno", oficia de mediador desde su muerte en 2017. Su victoria en las elecciones de 2023 fue una sorpresa para todos, menos para él. Desde los once años, cuando un rayo de luz bajó del techo de la cocina para protegerlo de la paliza que le estaba dando su padre, Milei vive con la certeza de que hay una Fuerza del Cielo que lo guía.

George Orwell's moving reflections on the English character and his passionate belief in the need for political change. 'The Lion and the Unicorn' was written in London during the worst period of the Blitz. It is vintage Orwell, a dynamic outline of his belief in socialism, patriotism and an English revolution. His fullest political statement, it has been described as 'one of the most moving and incisive portraits of the English character' and is as relevant now as it ever has been.

Luis de la Barreda Solórzano, primer presidente de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Distrito Federal, con amplia trayectoria en investigación y estudios jurídicos, plantea en este libro una duda razonable: ¿Ha sido el compromiso social de la izquierda motivo suficiente para el cuidado de los derechos humanos? Los derechos humanos son una gran conquista de la historia moderna. Cuidar de ellos es cuidar de una de las principales herramientas para salvaguardar las condiciones mínimas de existencia y expresión de la diversidad social y política.

In this fascinating book, Julian Flanders examines the impact of the Hitlerjugend (Hitler Youth Movement) on Germany's young people and how it shaped German society under Adolf Hitler. By 1940 membership had reached eight million—more than 90 per cent of German children. Between 1933 and the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the movement drove a wedge between youth, the educational system, and even their own dissenting families, producing a generation of anti-intellectuals indoctrinated with Nazi ideology.