Titoli in Filosofia

Dos cronistas argentinos viajaron a la península coreana sin cruzarse –uno al norte, el otro al sur– y contrastaron visiones sobre cómo se vive el último capítulo de la Guerra Fría. Corea del Norte llevó la idea del comunismo a un insólito sistema cuasi monárquico basado en la...

The Communist Manifesto contains the seeds of Marx's more comprehensive philosophy, which continues to inspire influential economic, political, social, and literary theories. But the Manifesto is most valuable as an historical document, one that led to the greatest political upheaveals of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and to the establishment of the Communist governments that until recently ruled half the globe.

Martin Heidegger's sympathies for the conservative revolution and National Socialism have long been well known. As the rector of the University of Freiburg in the early 1930s, he worked hard to reshape the university in accordance with National Socialist policies. He also engaged in an all-out struggle to become the movement's philosophical preceptor, "to lead the leader." Yet for years, Heidegger's defenders have tried to separate his political beliefs from his philosophical doctrines

The Soul of Capitalism examines how the greatest wealth-creation engine in the history of the world is failing most of us, why it must be changed, and how intrepid pioneers are beginning to transform it. Best-selling author William Greider analyzes how our relentless pursuit of unprecedented affluence has eroded family life, eaten away at our sense of personal and professional security, corroded our communities, impoverished our spiritual lives, and devastated our natural environment.

Published four years after Rousseau's death, Confessions is a remarkably frank and honest self-portrait, described by Rousseau as "the history of my soul". From his idyllic youth in the Swiss mountains, to his career as a composer in Paris and his abandonment of his children, Rousseau lays bare his entire life with preternatural honesty.

Margaret Wheatley proposes that citizens band together with their colleagues and friends to create the solutions for social change, both locally and globally, that are so badly needed. Such change will not come from governments or corporations but from the ageless process of thinking together in conversation. Turning to One Another encourages this process.

«إنَّ الإنسانَ لَيتطلَّعُ إلى عصرٍ ذهبيٍّ تَسودُ فيهِ الحريةُ والسلامُ والعدلُ والحبُّ الأَخوي، عصرٍ لا تَسُلُّ فيهِ أمَّةٌ على أمَّةٍ سَيفًا ولا يُقاتِلُ الإنسانُ فيهِ أخاهُ الإنسان، عصرٍ يُؤدِّي فيهِ تطوُّرُ كلِّ أمَّةٍ وتقدُّمُها إلى تَطوُّرِ الأُممِ الأُخرى جميعًا وتقدُّمِها، عصرٍ يَعرِفُ الناسُ فيه جميعًا ربَّهُم حقَّ المعرفةِ ويَغمُرُ عُقولَهم العلمُ ببارِيهم كما تَغمُرُ المياهُ البحار.»

In 1775 the American colonies were a hotbed of political discord. Many of the British policies, specifically taxes, had caused American colonial leaders to consider the unthinkable: declaring independence from the British Empire and its King George. One such leader, Thomas Paine, wrote Common Sense: a pamphlet that explained the advantages of immediate and complete independence.

In Gaetano Mosca's groundbreaking work, The Ruling Class (originally published as Elementi di Scienza Politica in 1896), the Italian political philosopher shatters the illusions of pure democracy by revealing a timeless truth: in every society, from ancient civilizations to modern nations, power is always concentrated in the hands of an organized minority–the ruling class.

The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was published in London in 1848 in its original German, and two years later in English. It was commissioned by the Communist League and takes an analytical approach to the class struggle and the conflicts of capitalism. The Communist Manifesto summarizes the theories of Marx and Engels on the nature of society and politics, claiming that the history of all societies is a history of class struggles. It also touches on their ideas of how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism.

Often considered the foundation of political liberalism, John Locke's Two Treatises of Government was first published anonymously in 1689, in the wake of England's Glorious Revolution. In The First Treatise of Government, Locke refutes the idea of divine monarchy, while The Second Treatise of Government articulates Locke's philosophy of government, which he based upon his theories of natural rights and the social contract.

Der Fürst (1513) von Niccolò Machiavelli ist eines der einflussreichsten Werke der politischen Theorie. In prägnanten Kapiteln behandelt Machiavelli, wie Macht erlangt, gesichert und erhalten werden kann – und warum politische Stabilität manchmal mehr Wert hat als Moral. Dieses Hörbuch macht Machiavellis Gedankenwelt verständlich und greifbar – ein bis heute viel diskutiertes Werk über Macht, Strategie und Staatsführung.

The renowned masterpiece from one of the most influential writers in history, Machiavelli The Prince, written during the Italian Renaissance by author Niccolò Machiavelli, is an internationally renowned masterpiece about power, greed and strategy in government. Regarded by some as a manual for...

David Hume es considerado el filósofo en lengua inglesa más importante que jamás haya existido. Sin embargo, en vida se le atacó por su escepticismo religioso, se le llamó el Gran Infiel y se le consideró inapto para instruir a los jóvenes. Adam Smith, en cambio, fue un profesor reverenciado de filosofía moral y a menudo se le ensalza como padre fundador del capitalismo. Lo más asombroso, con todo, es que los dos mantuvieron, según lo define Rasmussen, la amistad más grande que se conoce entre dos filósofos.

Discourses on Livy, written in 1531, is as essential to understanding Machiavelli as his famous treatise, The Prince. Equally controversial, it reveals his fundamental preference for a republican state. Comparing the practice of the ancient Romans with that of his contemporaries provided Machiavelli with a consistent point of view in all his works. Machiavelli's close analysis of Livy's history of Rome led him to advance his most original and outspoken view of politics--the belief that a healthy political body was characterized by social friction and conflict rather than by rigid stability.

كان «موسوليني» لا ينام حتى يقرأ كتاب الأمير لـ «ماكيافيلي»، وقيل: إن «نابليون» و«هتلر» كانا يتَّخذانه مرجعًا لسياساتهم؛ ويرجع ذلك لما للكتاب من مكانة لم ينلها غيره. والكتاب يُقدِّم نظريات في الحكم والإمارة، ويجيب على أسئلة لطالما شغلت بال الحُكَّام والأُمراء، مثل؛ كيف تُحْكَمُ البلاد الموروثة؟ وما هي أنواع السلطة وكيف تحصُل عليها؟ وكيف يملك الزعيم شعبه؟ وكيف حُكمت الإمارات الدينية والمدنية؟

The Communist Manifesto stands as one of the most influential and incendiary documents in modern history, a concise yet world-shaking declaration that exposed the deep fractures beneath industrial society and demanded that listeners reconsider every assumption about wealth, labor, and power.

Famous for his political treatise The Prince, which advises would-be kings on the best strategies for governing, Machiavelli turns his attention to the inner workings of a successful republic and the people necessary to maintain it in his Discourses on Livy. Comparing contemporary societies to ancient Rome, with examples from Livy’s The History of Rome, Machiavelli tries to identify the foundations of a well-working republic, examining social and political aspects, such as voting, citizenship, warfare and religion.

War Is a Racket is a classic short treatise by Major General Smedley D. Butler, one of the most decorated U.S. Marines in American history, turned outspoken critic of war. Drawing on his 34-year military career and firsthand experience in conflicts from the Caribbean to World War I, Butler delivers a powerful critique of how modern wars are driven not by noble ideals but by economic interests that profit from conflict.

En este análisis de los debates alrededor del discurso de odio, la pornografía y la homosexualidad, Butler sostiene que las palabras pueden herir y que la violencia lingüística es un tipo de violencia particular. También sostiene que este discurso es emocional y fluido porque sus efectos a menudo escapan al control del hablante, moldeados por la fantasía, el contexto y las estructuras de poder.