Titoli in Ideologie e dottrine

Nonostante l'Europa sia da tempo "unita" sotto l'egida di una comunità e di una moneta condivisa tra molti dei suoi membri, diverse realtà interne non sono contente della loro condizione, geograficamente incastrate in qualche Stato a cui non sentono di appartenere o così distanti per cultura, tradizioni e lingua da quelle del governo centrale da non volerne la sudditanza.

Academics, journalists, and popular historians agree: our greatest presidents are the ones who confronted a national crisis and mobilized the entire nation to face it. That’s the conventional wisdom. The chief executives who are celebrated in textbooks and placed in the top echelon of presidents in surveys of experts are the bold leaders - the Woodrow Wilsons and Franklin Roosevelts - who reshaped the United States in line with their grand “vision” for America. Unfortunately, along the way, these “great” presidents inevitably expanded government - and shrank our liberties.

From the acclaimed author of Mao’s America comes the untold story of how misguided and selfish U.S. elites transformed China from a Communist wasteland into a global superpower—at America’s expense. One of the most effective anti-communist voices in America today, Xi Van Fleet made waves...

A strong emotional attachment to the memory of empire runs deep in British culture. In recent years, that memory has become a battleground in a long-drawn ideological war, inflecting debates on race, class, gender, culture, the UK’s future and its place in the world. This provocative and passionate book surveys the scene of the imperial memory wars in contemporary Britain, exploring how the myths that structure our views of empire came to be, and how they inform the present.

Anarchism has been both a vision of a peaceful, cooperative society — and an ideology of revolutionary terror. Since the term itself — anarchism — is a negation, there is a great deal of disagreement on what the positive alternative would look like. The black flag comes in many colors.

En un recorrido fascinante que nos lleva del mundo árabe en tiempos de Mahoma a las ciudades-Estado de la Italia medieval, de la Latinoamérica de las dictaduras a la Suecia que inventó la socialdemocracia, de la caótica República de Weimar a la China imperial, El pasillo estrecho nos introduce en el que tal vez sea el proceso más fascinante de la historia: el de la obtención de la libertad.

Sent by the French government to examine the American prison system, Alexis de Tocqueville spent nine months touring the United States between 1831 and 1832. However, fascinated by the success of America's democratic system, de Tocqueville took advantage of his stay to examine the country's foundations and glean ideas that might rescue his homeland from the manacles of social inequality. He leaves no stone unturned, exploring each branch of government, the constitution, economics, religion, race, the judiciary, laws, principles, education, culture, and views on wealth and poverty.

El Libro Rojo de Mao, también conocido como el Pequeño Libro Rojo o Citas del Presidente Mao Zedong, ofrece una visión profunda de la ideología y estrategias que moldearon la China moderna. Publicado por primera vez en 1964 por el Ejército Popular de Liberación de China, este pequeño volumen se convirtió en un símbolo de la Revolución Cultural y en un elemento omnipresente en la vida cotidiana de millones de chinos.

Mussolini has rarely been taken seriously as a totalitarian dictator; Hitler and Stalin have always cast too long a shadow. But what was a negative judgement on the Duce, considered innocuous and ineffective, has begun to work to his advantage. As has occurred with many other European dictators, present-day popular memory of Mussolini is increasingly indulgent; in Italy and elsewhere he is remembered as a strong, decisive leader. Mussolini in Myth and Memory argues against this rehabilitation.

Challenging conventional wisdom about where power is held on a global scale, Stern complicates the supposedly firm distinction between private enterprise and the state, offering a new history of the British Empire, as well as a new history of the corporation.

There was a time when liberalism was an ism like any other, but that time, writes Michael Walzer, is gone. “Liberal” now conveys not a specific ideology but a moral stance, so the word is best conceived not as a noun but as an adjective—one is a “liberal democrat” or a “liberal nationalist.” Walzer itemizes the characteristics described by “liberal” in an inventory of his own deepest political and moral commitments—among other things, to the principle of equality, to the rule of law, and to a pluralism that is both political and cultural.

Wer verstehen möchte, warum Vertrauen immer wichtiger, aber Misstrauen immer wahrscheinlicher wird und welche Folgen umfassende Vertrauenskrisen für die Gesellschaft haben, muss dieses Hörbuch hören. In einer zunehmend komplexer werdenden Gesellschaft muss man vertrauen. Ohne Vertrauen in gesellschaftliche Systeme und Institutionen wird man handlungsunfähig. Um als Misstrauender nicht handlungsunfähig zu werden, gibt es eine plausible Alternative: Man vertraut denen, die ebenfalls misstrauen.

Un largo trabajo de investigación que desvela cómo Rusia se ha convertido en el gran desestabilizador de la geopolítica global. Tras la caída de la Unión Soviética en 1991, Rusia era un país empobrecido y caótico que parecía destinado a la irrelevancia internacional. Pero bajo el liderazgo de Vladímir Putin, ha recuperado una influencia que desafía el orden global. ¿Qué sostiene este «imperio» que con los años ha derivado hacia el totalitarismo?

La globalización ha producido sensaciones de impotencia en millones de personas en Occidente. Ese sentimiento de indefensión genera resentimiento y un afán por buscar culpables. Se culpa a los inmigrantes. Se culpa a los musulmanes. Se culpa a otras razas. Se culpa a la élite cultural. Basándose en una combinación de ejemplos históricos y contemporáneos, Nussbaum desenreda en La monarquía del miedo toda esta maraña de sentimientos y nos proporciona así una hoja de ruta para que sepamos hacia dónde dirigir nuestros pasos a partir de aquí.

Wie denken Autokraten? Wie kommt das Böse in die Welt? Wiederholt sich Geschichte, und wenn ja, wie? In diesem Buch spürt der Enkel des NS-Außenministers Joachim von Ribbentrop den zeitlosen Wechselwirkungen nach, die das Denken und Wirken von Individuen, aber auch von Gruppen, Gesellschaften und Nationen, bestimmen. Es ist eine historische, soziologische auch philosophische Reise durch die Jahre von 1918 bis 1945, wobei sich interessante Parallelen zu den heutigen Vorgängen in Deutschland, Europa und der Welt auftun.

America’s bestselling biographer reveals the origins of the most revolutionary sentence in the Declaration of Independence, the one that defines who we are as Americans—and explains how it should shape our politics today. “Isaacson uses a jeweler’s loupe to scan what gives his snappy...

Comment en sommes-nous arrivés à une nouvelle confrontation entre l’Occident et les autres puissances mondiales ? Avec brio, Amin Maalouf éclaire l’état actuel des conflits qui ravagent le continent européen en analysant finement l’histoire mondiale de ces puissances.

Award-winning historian Frank Dikötter explores how the People’s Republic of China was transformed from a backwater economy in the 1970s into the world superpower of today. His account is the first to be based on hundreds of previously unseen archival documents, from the secret minutes of top party meetings to confidential bank reports. Unfolding with great narrative sweep, this riveting, richly detailed chronicle recasts our understanding of an era that both the regime and foreign admirers celebrate as an economic miracle.

NATIONAL BESTSELLER "How did our democracy go wrong? This extraordinary document ... is Applebaum's answer." —Timothy Snyder, author of On Tyranny The Pulitzer Prize–winning historian explains, with electrifying clarity, why elites in democracies around the world are turning toward...

Nel corso dell'esperienza repubblicana, i nove presidenti che si sono succeduti hanno interpretato, ciascuno a modo suo, una carica che studiosi autorevoli hanno giudicato la più ambigua fra quelle previste dalla Carta del 1948: un po' notaio, un po' arbitro, un po' capitano. Certo è che da quasi 25 anni il presidente ha acquistato una centralità alla quale i costituenti non avevano davvero pensato e che è figlia, prima di tutto, delle difficoltà e delle ripetute crisi del sistema politico - centralità che ha ormai inciso sulla stessa forma di governo.