Risultati Editore "Audible Studios" in Ideologie e dottrine

Nel corso dell'esperienza repubblicana, i nove presidenti che si sono succeduti hanno interpretato, ciascuno a modo suo, una carica che studiosi autorevoli hanno giudicato la più ambigua fra quelle previste dalla Carta del 1948: un po' notaio, un po' arbitro, un po' capitano. Certo è che da quasi 25 anni il presidente ha acquistato una centralità alla quale i costituenti non avevano davvero pensato e che è figlia, prima di tutto, delle difficoltà e delle ripetute crisi del sistema politico - centralità che ha ormai inciso sulla stessa forma di governo.

La democrazia italiana è lunatica come un adolescente implume, come una ballerina di flamenco. Da qui la sua cifra distintiva: gli sbalzi d'umore, l'incoerenza, le scelte capricciose. E un'onda emotiva perennemente inquieta, che sommerge la ragione. I nostri governanti - non tutti, si capisce - non conoscono il passato, non hanno abbastanza fantasia per proiettarsi nel futuro. Sicché girano in tondo, scambiandosi ruoli e competenze come durante una quadriglia, il vecchio ballo popolare.

"L'Europa è in pericolo. Il programma comune delle forze populiste che stanno dilagando in tutto il continente vuole interrompere ogni progetto di costruzione, ritrovare una cosiddetta "anima delle nazioni", rilanciare "un'identità perduta" che non esiste se non nella fantasia dei demagoghi. La mia scommessa è sull'Europa, la mia fede è in questa grande Idea di cui i nostri padri ci hanno trasmesso l'eredità, la convinzione che lei sola avrà la forza, domani, di scongiurare il ritorno dei demoni, quello dei totalitarismi e quello di conseguenza della crisi e della miseria."

Una persona, un voto: la democrazia si basa su una promessa di uguaglianza che troppo spesso si infrange sul muro del denaro. Finanziamento delle campagne elettorali, donazioni ai partiti politici, controllo dei media: da decenni la vita democratica è prigioniera degli interessi privati.

Non c'è uomo politico che non rivendichi, all'indomani della propria elezione, il diritto di parlare in nome del popolo, di tutto il popolo. Questa parola possiede la virtù magica di unificare ciò che non può esserlo. Ma il popolo esiste solo come convenzione, mito o illusione a seconda delle scelte politiche.

La obra fundamental sobre el origen, expansión y caída del movimiento fascista en el siglo XX. El atractivo estético del fascismo italiano llegó a asimilarlo a las vanguardias de principios del siglo XX. Como todo nacionalismo, fue vivido por sus seguidores como una religión secular, procedente del socialismo izquierdista pero a la vez con claros antecedentes derechistas. El estudio del fascismo, de su estética, de su lenguaje, de su poder de sugestión, no ha perdido actualidad y sigue atrayendo el interés de numerosos historiadores.

The New York Times bestselling author brings his trademark legal acumen and passionate snark to offer a brilliant takedown of ten shocking pieces of legislation that continue to perpetuate hate, racial bias, injustice, and inequality today—an urgent yet hopeful story for our current political climate

Americans agree that their nation’s origins lie in the Revolution, but they have never agreed on what the Revolution meant. For nearly 250 years, politicians, political parties, social movements, and a diverse array of ordinary Americans have constantly reimagined the Revolution to fit the times and suit their own agendas. Michael D. Hattem reveals how conflicts over the meaning and legacy of the Revolution—including the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution—have influenced the most important events and tumultuous periods in the nation’s history.

Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment”. James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” 30 years ago, tells us in this new book that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved.

One of the most maligned, misunderstood, and even mocked constituencies in American politics, gay Republicans regularly face condemnation from both the LGBTQ+ community and their own political party. Yet they’ve been active and influential for decades. Gay conservatives were instrumental, for example, in ending “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and securing the legalization of same-sex marriage—but they also helped lay the groundwork for the rise of Donald Trump.

An unmatched guide to the religious dimensions of American politics, Jeff Sharlet journeys into corners of our national psyche where others fear to tread. The Undertow is both inquiry and meditation, an attempt to understand how, over the last decade, reaction has morphed into delusion, social division into distrust, distrust into paranoia, and hatred into fantasies—sometimes realities—of violence.

The liberal democratic order that seemed so stable in North America and Western Europe has become precarious. James E. Cronin argues that liberalism has never been secure and that since the 1930s the international order has had to be crafted, redeployed, and extended in response to both victories and setbacks.

The Fall of Wisconsin is a deeply reported, searing account of how the state’s progressive tradition was undone and turned into a model for national conservatives bent on remaking the country. Dan Kaufman, a Wisconsin native who has been covering the story for several years, traces the history of progressivism that made Wisconsin so widely admired. Kaufman reveals how the “divide-and-conquer” strategy of Governor Scott Walker and his allies pitted Wisconsin’s citizens against one another, so powerful corporations and donors could effectively take control of state government.

The Naked God is Howard Fast's public repudiation of the Communist Party, of which he was a devoted member for thirteen years until reading about the full scope of atrocities committed by the Soviet Union under Stalin. The best-selling author of Spartacus and Citizen Tom Paine, Howard Fast lent his writing talents and celebrity to the communist cause as a steadfast advocate and public figure. However, he felt increasingly ill at ease with the superior manner Party leaders took with rank-and-file members and with rumors of Soviet anti-Semitism.

Here is Fast’s powerful denunciation of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, and a remarkable historical document of Spain’s fight for freedom from governmental oppression. Howard Fast was a longtime proponent of the antifascist movement in Spain. During the Spanish Civil War, Fast supported a hospital for Popular Front forces, and in 1950 he was sentenced to three months in jail for refusing to give the names of other supporters of that hospital to the House Un-American Activities Committee.

In 1944, there was still no united Yugoslavia, the Axis controlled most of Europe, and D-Day was only in the planning stages. In the Balkans, Tito was a beacon of hope against the advancing Nazis. He led a force of resistance fighters that bedeviled the occupying German army throughout Slavic regions and empowered people's committees to act as local government in all liberated areas. For observers on the political left, Tito seemed uniquely poised to unite the East and West against fascism - once and for all.

For all the attempts to understand the state of American politics and the blue/red divide, we've ignored what economic and cultural loss can do to pride. What happens, Arlie Russell Hochschild asks, when a proud people in a hard-hit region suffer the deep loss of pride and are confronted with a powerful political appeal that makes it feel "stolen"? Hochschild's research drew her to Pikeville, Kentucky, in the heart of Appalachia, within the whitest and second-poorest congressional district in the nation.

Since the Founding, Americans have debated the true meaning of freedom. For some, freedom meant the provision of life’s necessities, those basic conditions for the “pursuit of happiness”. For others, freedom meant the civil and political rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and unfettered access to the marketplace—nothing more. As Mark Paul explains, the latter interpretation—thanks in large part to a particularly influential cadre of economists—has all but won out among policymakers, with dire repercussions for American society.

Seen as godless by the religious and weak by the atheists, secularism mostly has been misunderstood. In How to Be Secular, Berlinerblau argues for a return to America’s hard-won secular tradition; the best way to protect religious diversity and freedom lies in keeping an eye on the encroachment of each into the other. Berlinerblau passionately defends the virtues of secularism, reminds us what it is and what it can protect, and urges us to mobilize around its cause, which is for all Americans to continue to enjoy freedom for - and from - religion.