Episodi

  • Polarization, by Nolan McCarty
    Oct 14 2026
    Every one of us now works in a polarized environment. It changes who we can engage, how we engage them, and how that engagement gets read by everyone watching. Nolan McCarty is a political scientist at Princeton who has spent more than 20 years measuring how far apart the two American parties have moved. This book is him taking the common explanations for polarization one at a time and checking each against decades of data. You are probably familiar with many of these explanations: Polarization is caused by redrawn electoral maps, party primaries, cable news, the internet, corporate money, and the voters themselves. It turns out, most of these are wrong. The finding the whole book rests on is that American polarization started at the top. Elected officials, activists, and donors moved apart in the mid-1970s; voters didn't change until the 1990s, and when they did, most didn't become more extreme. They sorted themselves into whichever party already agreed with them. In fact, the share of Americans giving extreme answers on the issues hasn't moved in 40 years. So what gives? That’s what we cover in this episode. What We Cover in the Episode My own story from the pandemic: someone close to me who held my views on COVID until the day places of worship stayed closed while bars reopened, and then changed sides almost overnight. It kick-started a growing obsession I have with this topic. Two votes 45 years apart. Medicare passed in 1965 with a majority of House Republicans and 14 of 32 Republican senators voting yes. Obamacare passed in 2010 with no Republican votes at all. Polarization, partisanship, and sorting: three different things that produce the same picture in a poll, and why we shouldn’t conflate them. The immigration example. The gap between Democrats and Republicans on whether immigrants strengthen the country went from 2 points in 1994 to 42 points in 2017, while the whole country moved in the same direction, from 30% to 65% agreeing. Nobody's views had to move for that gap to open. The partisan overlap: in the 1960s and 70s, some of the most liberal members of Congress were Republicans and some of the most conservative were Democrats. Today every Republican sits to the right of every Democrat. Why the same district elects a liberal or a conservative depending on who wins, and why that means redrawing the maps can't fix it. The four incentives that pull a legislature apart: individual donors now supply 80% of a candidate's money, up from 20%; moderates have stopped running; an opposition that can win the next election has no reason to cooperate; and parties too weak to protect members from a primary challenge. Four mental models: before you believe a gap, check the middle; one district, two very different representatives; weak parties, strong partisanship; and the system decides what polarization does to you. Three misunderstandings: "it's worse than ever and I can feel it," "the algorithms did it," and "the voters did it." On the algorithms, what the browsing data from 2004 to 2016 shows, and why the Americans who hardened fastest were the ones least likely to be online. The Canadian numbers, from a July 2025 survey of 2,250 Canadians by Digital Public Square and Abacus Data, and where I think polarization does its damage in a parliamentary system. The mastery lesson: on polarization, gather the data to understand the environment rather than to make a case, and the hopeful reading of what that data shows.
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    51 min
  • People, Power, Change, by Marshall Ganz
    Sep 30 2026
    Power is who needs whom more. You shift it by asking the people already around you for a commitment, and asking again once they've kept it Why This Book Matters Marshall Ganz went to Mississippi in 1964 to work in the civil rights movement, spent sixteen years organizing farmworkers alongside Cesar Chavez, designed the volunteer training for Barack Obama's 2008 campaign, and has taught organizing at Harvard since 1994. This book is the course he has taught for thirty years: five practices of organizing, each explained through a campaign he was inside. Most books on this show explain how something works. This one teaches how to build power when you start with none. Power, Ganz says, is a relationship rather than a possession: if you need my resources more than I need yours, I have the power. Organizing is the work of shifting that balance. When the farmworkers struck in 1965, the growers had the land, the money, and the law, and there were always more workers. What the growers couldn't replace was the customer, so the union sent farmworker families to fifty cities to ask people not to buy grapes, and five years later the growers signed. Ganz writes for a progressive American audience and never addresses a reader who works for a company, so the translation is mine. Most companies engage the people around them, their employees, suppliers, and the towns they operate in, by sending a message outward and counting who received it. Ganz's organizations are built the other way around: the people in them are asked for commitments, and get a say in return, and that is what lets them act when it counts. He calls a group like that a constituency, and I'm not sure many companies have one. What I don't know is whether a company can offer the people around it a real say, when every relationship it has is one the other person can walk away from. If you've seen a version of that work, I'd like to hear about it. What We Cover in the Episode A Monday morning in Montgomery, Alabama, in December 1955, when Martin Luther King Jr. stood at his window and watched the first bus of the day go by empty. Within a month the bus company was asking the city to let it double its fares. The people who emptied those buses had no money the company would miss and no vote the mayor feared, and Ganz opens his book with what they had instead. After 2016, thousands of local political groups formed across the United States. Ganz reports on what became of them, and most are gone. Ganz's definition of power, and the sixteen-year fight that proved it. A twenty-two-year-old farmworker named Jessica Govea ran the grape boycott in Toronto and then Montreal, in a French she barely spoke. The one-on-one, the recruiting conversation every organizer learns first, and the afternoon in San Antonio when Ganz, twenty years into his career, watched a veteran run one and realized he'd been doing it wrong. The house meeting: twenty or thirty people in someone's living room, invited by the host rather than the organizer. Ganz asks every host to list fifty people they know, and the episode explains why fifty, and why not close friends only. The two asks every guest leaves with. The second is to go home and host their own meeting, with their own fifty, within a few days. Nancy Pelosi's first campaign for Congress in 1987: six organizers, eighty-seven house meetings, six hundred people in three weeks, and how those meetings told the campaign who its leaders were. What a working team looks like, and the structure Ganz calls a snowflake, in which teams build teams. It put fifteen thousand volunteers on the ground in South Carolina for Obama in 2008, most of them new to politics. Why Ganz gives a volunteer responsibility for an outcome rather than a task, and why an organization built this way grows with use instead of wearing out. Three mental models: Moral Resources, the Arrow and the Cycle, and Mobilizing versus Organizing. Three misreadings: that organizing is a slower kind of mobilizing, that a book about movements is a book about protest, and that leading with values brings people together. What this asks of a company, which is whether the people around it are a constituency or a mailing list, and the budget line almost no corporate affairs team has. Then the mastery lesson: the master organizer is the person who asks.
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    1 ora e 3 min
  • Politics Is for Power, by Eitan Hersh
    Sep 16 2026
    To get a decision-maker's attention when it counts, you should be securing, and organizing votes. Why This Book Matters In 2018, Eitan Hersh surveyed Americans and found that a third of them spend two hours or more a day on politics, and that four out of five of those people spend none of that time on anything that could be called political work. How do they—and how do we—spend all of time engaged in politics? You know the answer already: we gobble up news, podcasts, social media, and then spend a lot of time complaining about the state affairs. Hersh himself was guilty of this behaviour he calls political hobbyism. Politics Is for Power is the book he wrote to work out what the alternative looks like. Hersh makes the case that political power is built by serving people before you ask anything of them, in units small enough to repeat, inside an organization that exists before the fight arrives. He also explains why the local institutions that used to do this work were stripped of their reasons to do it. The book is written for citizens and parties, and the translation to corporate public affairs is not automatic. Most of what a company does for people is already a transaction, and Hersh's model of service runs on help that comes free. But the question the book puts to a citizen — how much of your political time goes to building power, and how much to consuming politics — applies to a corporate affairs function without any adjustment at all. What We Cover in the Episode The arithmetic of power. One vote out of 130 million changes nothing, but a person who can move ten neighbours is worth something a politician can count, and the book's stories are all about how that person gets made. Naakh Vysoky, a retired doctor in his seventies, who helped three hundred elderly Soviet immigrants pass the citizenship test after welfare reform threatened their income, and then turned that trust into a precinct with double the turnout of every precinct around it. Dave Fleischer, the organizer behind deep canvassing (https://www.mastersinpublicaffairs.com/episodes/how-minds-change/), and why he listens to the people who voted against his marriage. The empathy has a purpose, and the purpose is votes. A county Democratic party in the Portland suburbs that couldn't get thirteen people to a meeting, and the first thing it did when it decided to rebuild: pay one person's salary. What that person built was a program where every volunteer is responsible for thirty-five households, and why thirty-five is the number that makes it work. Angela Aldous, a nurse who watched a million recall signatures in Wisconsin turn into nobody on the doors, and who built a group in Pennsylvania on the assumption that it would lose for years. When the local congressman resigned in a scandal, her group had been organizing for ten months, and the Democrat won by 755 votes. How $9,000 raised by a college-town precinct committee unlocked $680,000 in state party money for a candidate the party had written off, and why it only worked because the committee existed before she needed it. Why almost nobody does any of this anymore: the fifty-year history of how local parties gave up the ballot, the nominations, and the patronage, and were left with a chair, a treasurer, and no reason to exist. Hersh tests it on his own town's Democratic committee, and the annual buffet is better attended than the phone bank. Three mental models: the Control Trade, the Bounded Unit, and the Hollow Party. Three ways the book gets misread, including the one I struggled with myself: that Naakh's model is just the old ward-boss machine with better manners. What this looks like when the organization is a company, and the mastery lesson: the willingness to want power at all, and a specific kind of patience
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    1 ora e 8 min
  • Supercommunicators, by Charles Duhigg
    Sep 2 2026
    The person receiving your message isn't one person. They're a stack of identities, and only one of them is listening. Why This Book Matters Duhigg wrote this to fix his own life. He'd been made a manager for the first time, he had the MBA and the Pulitzer and a career built on explaining why people do what they do, and he couldn't connect with his own team — or, when he got home, with his wife and his children. The book is him working out why. Which means it is, on its face, a book about one to one, or one to few conversations. A doctor and a patient. A husband and a wife. Nothing in it was written for anyone running a campaign. But it belongs because Duhigg surfaces something so crucial that I really struggle to think about how we scale what we learn from him: at any moment only one of a person's many identities is doing the listening. The interesting challenge is that the surrounding context has more to do with which identity is live, than the message itself. The book's own claim about itself is that none of this is innate. Its opening exemplar is a shy kid who learned to connect by studying people who were good at it, and who spent two decades at the FBI talking fugitives out of buildings. "It's a set of skills," he tells a room of sceptical scientists. "There's nothing magical about it." What the book does not do is scale. Duhigg's answer to nearly every problem is to get closer to someone, and we work at distance — by design, by budget, by necessity. I'm still working through this challenge, because I do believe if we can scale what Duhigg teaches us here, we could transform our campaigns. What We Cover in the Episode Behfar Ehdaie, a prostate cancer surgeon at Memorial Sloan Kettering, whose patients kept choosing an operation he had just shown them they didn't need. Around 40% of prostate cancer patients in the United States do the same — more than fifty thousand men a year. Felix, the FBI's negotiator of last resort, and the hour he spent with a room of scientists who couldn't work out what he actually does. He answers them by demonstrating it on one of them. The three kinds of conversation Duhigg says every discussion is one of — and why two people in different ones fail each other even when both are trying hard. Why the identity doing the listening gets set by the room rather than by the person. A pro-Obama t-shirt at a barbecue versus at an NRA rally; and a city in Iraq where bouncers read your religion off your ID card at the grocery store door. Dr. Rima Shami, a patient who won't take the COVID vaccine because God will provide, and what happened in the thirty minutes after the appointment ended. The maths test where reminding women of four of their identities did nothing at all, and reminding them of thirty closed the gap with the men completely. A Milwaukee jury in 1985, a man who bought a pistol because a mail-order detective course told him to, and the juror who moved eleven other people without once arguing the case. Salma Mousa's soccer league in a city recovering from ISIS, where nobody was taught to communicate and the effects were still holding six months later. Four mental models: the Salience Dial, the Near-Universal Identity, the Silent Ledger, and the Directive Penalty. Four ways the book gets misread — including the one Duhigg heads off twice, because he clearly saw it coming. The mastery lesson, and the asymmetry between what this book does to your life and what it does to your work.
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    1 ora e 5 min
  • Summer Break - Programming Note
    Jul 15 2026
    With the first 12 episodes in the bank, I’m taking a summer break to spend time with my family on extended travel. I’ll be back with a fresh batch of episodes in late August. Enjoy your summer, and if you haven’t done so, please tell a friend or colleague about the show!
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    Meno di 1 minuto
  • Running for Office, by Ronald Faucheux
    Jul 1 2026
    The Permanent Campaign Across the Desk Masters in Public Affairs, Episode 12 You bring the official a clean brief and a sound argument. The meeting's warm. Nothing moves. Here's why: the elected official across your desk is a candidate — right now, every day until they leave the seat — and they're running your ask through one question. Does this help me, or hurt me, with the people who can take this seat away? Running for Office (Ronald Faucheux, 2002) is a candidate's field manual. Read from where we sit, it's the source code for the person across the desk. In this one: Why campaigning professionalized and what "strategy" actually means The three plays an official runs — the voter database, inoculation (FDR, Clinton, Dole), and the pincer (Gilmore's "no car tax" trap) Three portable models — the Message Box, the One-Third Rule, and the Allocation Where the book gets misread How to put all of it to work in public affairs, starting with the unglamorous advice I keep giving clients — build your own database. The professional prepares the contest. The amateur shows up to it. From the canon: How to Win Campaigns The Election Game Good Strategy Bad Strategy Positioning Public Opinion A five-star review and a word to a colleague go a long way. One follower at a time.
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    1 ora e 1 min
  • How to Win Campaigns by Chris Rose
    Jun 17 2026
    Joseph Lavoie works through Chris Rose's How to Win Campaigns — the most practical book in the canon so far, and the one he's returned to more than almost any other in his own campaign work. It's a manual: checklists, tools, tests. Which makes it easy to skim and hard to read well. So instead of running the steps, this episode digs for the ideas underneath them — the ones that don't date. It's built around two real campaigns. Greenpeace's Brent Spar fight, which they won while being wrong on the central fact. And WWF's chemicals-and-health campaign, which helped shape EU law by turning a grey, technical issue into a single question a grandmother could put to a politician: are these chemicals in my blood — yes or no? In this episode: — Why being right is rarely what wins — Locating the decision, and the "photo test" for a real objective — The point of irreducibility: finding the black and white in the grey — Choosing an antagonist, and turning the question upside down — Sequencing a campaign backwards from the win — The speaking victim, and the manufactured antagonist — Where Rose gets misread, and what it takes to master his lessons "Pundits comment on change; campaigners make it happen." — Chris Rose 📚 How to Win Campaigns by Chris Rose (2nd edition, Earthscan, 2010) If the show's useful to you, a five-star rating helps new listeners find it. Subscribe so you don't miss the next book.
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    48 min
  • Victory Lab by Sasha Issenberg
    Jun 3 2026
    Most of what a campaign does has never actually been tested. Sasha Issenberg is a journalist, not an operative — which is why he could follow the evidence instead of defending a tactic. His 2012 book, The Victory Lab, is an incredibly clear account of how campaigning became experimental: the moment a profession that had run for a century on folklore finally borrowed the clinical trial from medicine and started measuring what actually moves a voter. In this episode: Why two Yale professors knocking on New Haven doors in 1998 was the first field experiment of its kind in 70 years The door-knock that beat the phone bank by seven points — bigger than the margin in most races that matter Hal Malchow's polling flip: learning less about what voters think and more about who they are, to find your swing voters by name "You mean you don't do this in politics?" — how a venture capitalist exposed a field that had fallen behind the companies selling credit cards The single most effective piece of mail ever tested — and the reason no campaign can actually use it Why most public affairs dashboards count motion instead of movement, and the one cheap habit that tells you which tactics actually work The mastery lesson: why the best operators are the ones willing to be proven wrong Book: Sasha Issenberg, The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns (Crown, 2012). More: mastersinpublicaffairs.com
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    31 min