Lyndon B. Johnson - Great Speeches copertina

Lyndon B. Johnson - Great Speeches

Lyndon B. Johnson - Great Speeches

Di: Inception Point Ai
Ascolta gratuitamente

A proposito di questo titolo

 Lyndon B. Johnson was a complex and controversial figure, but there is no doubt that he was a gifted speaker. He was known for his powerful voice, his use of rhetorical devices, and his ability to connect with his audience on a personal level.Johnson's speaking style was often described as "persuasive" and "commanding." He had a deep, booming voice that could carry across a large crowd. He also used rhetorical devices such as repetition, parallelism, and antithesis to emphasize his points. Additionally, Johnson was a skilled storyteller, and he often used personal anecdotes to illustrate his arguments.One of the most notable things about Johnson as a speaker was his ability to connect with his audience on a personal level. He was known for making eye contact with individuals in the crowd and for using their names in his speeches. He also often spoke about his own life experiences and how they had shaped his views.Here are some of the key characteristics of Johnson's speaking ability:
  • Powerful voice: Johnson had a deep, booming voice that could carry across a large crowd.
  • Use of rhetorical devices: Johnson used rhetorical devices such as repetition, parallelism, and antithesis to emphasize his points.
  • Skilled storyteller: Johnson was a skilled storyteller, and he often used personal anecdotes to illustrate his arguments.
  • Ability to connect with his audience on a personal level: Johnson was known for making eye contact with individuals in the crowd and for using their names in his speeches. He also often spoke about his own life experiences and how they had shaped his views.
Johnson's speaking ability was evident in many of his speeches, including his "We Shall Overcome" speech, his "Great Society" speech, and his "I Shall Not Seek Re-election" speech. These speeches are all considered classics of American oratory, and they continue to be studied and admired by public speakers today.Overall, Lyndon B. Johnson was a gifted speaker with a powerful voice, a skilled use of rhetorical devices, and an ability to connect with his audience on a personal level. His speeches helped to shape the course of American history, and they continue to inspire and inform people today.Copyright 2025 Inception Point Ai Mondiale
Episodi
  • Lyndon Johnson - January 14, 1969 - Presidential Speeches

    Lyndon Johnson - January 14, 1969 - Presidential Speeches
    Nov 8 2023
    This content was created in partnership and with the help of Artificial Intelligence AI
    Mostra di più Mostra meno
    45 min
  • Lyndon B. Johnson - Remarks upon Signing the Civil Rights Bill - Presidential Speeches

    Lyndon B. Johnson - Remarks upon Signing the Civil Rights Bill - Presidential Speeches
    Nov 6 2023
    My fellow Americans:I am about to sign into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I want to take this occasion to talk to you about what that law means to every American.One hundred and eighty-eight years ago this week a small band of valiant men began a long struggle for freedom. They pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor not only to found a nation, but to forge an ideal of freedom—not only for political independence, but for personal liberty—not only to eliminate foreign rule, but to establish the rule of justice in the affairs of men.That struggle was a turning point in our history. Today in far corners of distant continents, the ideals of those American patriots still shape the struggles of men who hunger for freedom.This is a proud triumph. Yet those who founded our country knew that freedom would be secure only if each generation fought to renew and enlarge its meaning. From the minutemen at Concord to the soldiers in Viet-Nam, each generation has been equal to that trust.Americans of every race and color have died in battle to protect our freedom. Americans of every race and color have worked to build a nation of widening opportunities. Now our generation of Americans has been called on to continue the unending search for justice within our own borders.We believe that all men are created equal. Yet many are denied equal treatment.We believe that all men have certain unalienable rights. Yet many Americans do not enjoy those rights.We believe that all men are entitled to the blessings of liberty. Yet millions are being deprived of those blessings—not because of their own failures, but because of the color of their skin.The reasons are deeply imbedded in history and tradition and the nature of man. We can understand—without rancor or hatred—how this all happened.But it cannot continue. Our Constitution, the foundation of our Republic, forbids it. The principles of our freedom forbid it. Morality forbids it. And the law I will sign tonight forbids it.That law is the product of months of the most careful debate and discussion. It was proposed more than one year ago by our late and beloved President John F. Kennedy. It received the bipartisan support of more than two-thirds of the Members of both the House and the Senate. An overwhelming majority of Republicans as well as Democrats voted for it.It has received the thoughtful support of tens of thousands of civic and religious leaders in all parts of this Nation. And it is supported by the great majority of the American people.The purpose of the law is simple.It does not restrict the freedom of any American, so long as he respects the rights of others.It does not give special treatment to any citizen.It does say the only limit to a man's hope for happiness, and for the future of his children, shall be his own ability.It does say that there are those who are equal before God shall now also be equal in the polling booths, in the classrooms, in the factories, and in hotels, restaurants, movie theaters, and other places that provide service to the public.I am taking steps to implement the law under my constitutional obligation to "take care that the laws are faithfully executed."First, I will send to the Senate my nomination of LeRoy Collins to be Director of the Community Relations Service. Governor Collins will bring the experience of a long career of distinguished public service to the task of helping communities solve problems of human relations through reason and commonsense.Second, I shall appoint an advisory committee of distinguished Americans to assist Governor Collins in his assignment.Third, I am sending Congress a request for supplemental appropriations to pay for necessary costs of implementing the law, and asking for immediate action.Fourth, already today in a meeting of my Cabinet this afternoon I directed the agencies of this Government to fully discharge the new responsibilities imposed upon them by the law and to do it without delay, and to keep me personally informed of their progress.Fifth, I am asking appropriate officials to meet with representative groups to promote greater understanding of the law and to achieve a spirit of compliance.We must not approach the observance and enforcement of this law in a vengeful spirit. Its purpose is not to punish. Its purpose is not to divide, but to end divisions—divisions which have all lasted too long. Its purpose is national, not regional.Its purpose is to promote a more abiding commitment to freedom, a more constant pursuit of justice, and a deeper respect for human dignity.We will achieve these goals because most Americans are law-abiding citizens who want to do what is right.This is why the Civil Rights Act relies first on voluntary compliance, then on the efforts of local communities and States to secure the rights of citizens. It provides for the national authority to step in only when others cannot or will not do the job.This Civil Rights Act is a challenge ...
    Mostra di più Mostra meno
    27 min
  • Lyndon B. Johnson - State of the Union -January 4, 1965

    Lyndon B. Johnson - State of the Union -January 4, 1965
    Nov 3 2023
    Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, members of the Congress, my fellow Americans:On this Hill which was my home, I am stirred by old friendships.Though total agreement between the executive and the Congress is impossible, total respect is important.I am proud to be among my colleagues of the Congress whose legacy to their trust is their loyalty to their nation.I am not unaware of the inner emotions of the new members of this body tonight.Twenty-eight years ago, I felt as you do now. You will soon learn that you are among men whose first love is their country, men who try each day to do as best they can what they believe is right.We are entering the third century of the pursuit of American union.Two hundred years ago, in 1765, nine assembled colonies first joined together to demand freedom from arbitrary power.For the first century we struggled to hold together the first continental union of democracy in the history of man. One hundred years ago, in 1865, following a terrible test of blood and fire, the compact of union was finally sealed.For a second century we labored to establish a unity of purpose and interest among the many groups which make up the American community.That struggle has often brought pain and violence. It is not yet over. But we have achieved a unity of interest among our people that is unmatched in the history of freedom.And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new quest for union. We seek the unity of man with the world that he has built—with the knowledge that can save or destroy him—with the cities which can stimulate or stifle him—with the wealth and the machines which can enrich or menace his spirit.We seek to establish a harmony between man and society which will allow each of us to enlarge the meaning of his life and all of us to elevate the quality of our civilization. This is the search that we begin tonight.But the unity we seek cannot realize its full promise in isolation. For today the state of the Union depends, in large measure, upon the state of the world.Our concern and interest, compassion and vigilance, extend to every corner of a dwindling planet.Yet, it is not merely our concern but the concern of all free men. We will not, and we should not, assume that it is the task of Americans alone to settle all the conflicts of a torn and troubled world.Let the foes of freedom take no comfort from this. For in concert with other nations, we shall help men defend their freedom.Our first aim remains the safety and the well-being of our own country.We are prepared to live as good neighbors with all, but we cannot be indifferent to acts designed to injure our interests, or our citizens, or our establishments abroad. The community of nations requires mutual respect. We shall extend it—and we shall expect it.In our relations with the world we shall follow the example of Andrew Jackson who said: "I intend to ask for nothing that is not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong." And he promised, that "the honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the statement of truth or for the performance of duty." That was this nation's policy in the 1830s and that is this nation's policy in the 1960s.Our own freedom and growth have never been the final goal of the American dream.We were never meant to be an oasis of liberty and abundance in a worldwide desert of disappointed dreams. Our nation was created to help strike away the chains of ignorance and misery and tyranny wherever they keep man less than God means him to be.We are moving toward that destiny, never more rapidly than we have moved in the last four years.In this period we have built a military power strong enough to meet any threat and destroy any adversary. And that superiority will continue to grow so long as this office is mine—and you sit on Capitol Hill.In this period no new nation has become Communist, and the unity of the Communist empire has begun to crumble.In this period we have resolved in friendship our disputes with our neighbors of the hemisphere, and joined in an Alliance for Progress toward economic growth and political democracy.In this period we have taken more steps toward peace—including the test ban treaty—than at any time since the Cold War began.In this period we have relentlessly pursued our advances toward the conquest of space.Most important of all, in this period, the United States has reemerged into the fullness of its self-confidence and purpose. No longer are we called upon to get America moving. We are moving. No longer do we doubt our strength or resolution. We are strong and we have proven our resolve.No longer can anyone wonder whether we are in the grip of historical decay. We know that history is ours to make. And if there is great danger, there is now also the excitement of great expectations.Yet we still live in a troubled and perilous world. There is no longer a single threat. There are many. They differ in intensity and in danger. They require ...
    Mostra di più Mostra meno
    48 min
Ancora nessuna recensione